======================================================================
= Odaenathus =
======================================================================
Introduction
======================================================================
Septimius Odaenathus (Palmyrene Aramaic: , ; ; 220 - 267) was the
founder king (malik) of the Palmyrene Kingdom who ruled from Palmyra,
Syria. He elevated the status of his kingdom from a regional center
subordinate to Rome into a formidable state in the Near East.
Odaenathus was born into an aristocratic Palmyrene family that had
received Roman citizenship in the 190s under the Severan dynasty. He
was the son of Hairan, the descendant of Nasor. The circumstances
surrounding his rise are ambiguous; he became the lord ('ras') of the
city, a position created for him, as early as the 240s and by 258, he
was styled a 'consularis', indicating a high status in the Roman
Empire.
The defeat and captivity of Emperor Valerian at the hands of the
Sasanian emperor Shapur I in 260 left the eastern Roman provinces
largely at the mercy of the Persians. Odaenathus remained on the side
of Rome; assuming the title of king, he led the Palmyrene army, fell
upon the Persians before they could cross the Euphrates to the eastern
bank, and inflicted upon them a considerable defeat. He took the side
of Emperor Gallienus, the son and successor of Valerian, who was
facing the attempted usurpation of Fulvius Macrianus. The rebel
declared his sons emperors, leaving one in Syria and taking the other
with him to Europe. Odaenathus attacked the remaining usurper and
quelled the rebellion. He was rewarded with many exceptional titles by
the Emperor, who formalized his self-established position in the East.
In reality, the Emperor may have done little but accept the declared
nominal loyalty of Odaenathus.
In a series of rapid and successful campaigns starting in 262,
Odaenathus crossed the Euphrates and recovered Carrhae and Nisibis. He
then took the offensive into the heartland of Persia, and arrived at
the walls of its capital, Ctesiphon. The city withstood the short
siege but Odaenathus reclaimed the entirety of the Roman lands
occupied by the Persians since the beginning of their invasions in
252. Odaenathus celebrated his victories and declared himself "King of
Kings", crowning his son Herodianus as co-king. By 263, Odaenathus was
in effective control of the Levant, Roman Mesopotamia and Anatolia's
eastern region.
Odaenathus observed all due formalities towards the Emperor, but in
practice ruled as an independent monarch. In 266, he launched a second
invasion of Persia but had to abandon the campaign and head north to
Bithynia to repel the attacks of Germanic raiders besieging the city
of Heraclea Pontica. He was assassinated in 267 during or immediately
after the Anatolian campaign, together with Herodianus. The identities
of the perpetrator or the instigator are unknown and many stories,
accusations and speculations exist in ancient sources. He was
succeeded by his son Vaballathus under the regency of his widow
Zenobia, who used the power established by Odaenathus to forge the
Palmyrene Empire in 270.
Name, family and appearance
======================================================================
"Odaenathus" is the Latin transliteration of the king's name; he was
born Septimius Odainat in . His name is written in transliterated
Palmyrene as . "" (Septimius), which means "born in September", was
Odaenathus' family 'gentilicium' (Roman surname), adopted as an
expression of loyalty to the Roman Severan dynasty and the emperor
Septimius Severus who had granted the family Roman citizenship in the
late second century. (Odainat) is the Palmyrene diminutive for ear,
related to in Arabic and in Aramaic. Odaenathus' genealogy is known
from a stone block in Palmyra with a sepulchral inscription that
mentions the building of a tomb and records the genealogy of the
builder: Odaenathus, son of Hairan, son of Wahb Allat, son of Nasor.
In Rabbinic sources, Odaenathus is named "Papa ben Nasor" (Papa son of
Nasor); the meaning of the name "Papa" and how Odaenathus earned it is
unclear.
The King appears to be of mixed Arab and Aramean descent: his name,
the name of his father, Hairan, and that of his grandfather,
Wahb-Allat, are Arabic; while Nasor, his great-grandfather, has an
Aramaic name. Nasor might not have been the great-grandfather of
Odaenathus, but a more distant ancestor; the archaeologist Frank
Edward Brown considered Nasor to be Odaenathus' great-great or
great-great-great grandfather. This has led some scholars, such as
Lisbeth Soss Fried and Javier Teixidor, to consider the origin of the
family to be Aramean. In practice, the citizenry of Palmyra were the
result of Arab and Aramaean tribes merging into a unity with a
corresponding consciousness; they thought and acted as Palmyrenes.
The fifth-century historian Zosimus asserted that Odaenathus descended
from "illustrious forebears", but the position of the family in
Palmyra is debated; it was probably part of the wealthy mercantile
class. Alternatively, the family may have belonged to the tribal
leadership which amassed a fortune as landowners and patrons of the
Palmyrene caravans. The historians Franz Altheim and Ruth Stiehl
suggested that Odaenathus was part of a new elite of Bedouins driven
from their home east of the Euphrates by the aggressive Sassanian
dynasty after 220. However, it is certain that Odaenathus came from a
family which had belonged to the upper class of the city for several
generations; in Dura-Europos, a relief dated to 159/158 (470 of the
Seleucid era, SE) was commissioned by Hairan son of Maliko son of
Nasor. This Hairan might have been the head of the Palmyrene trade
colony in Dura-Europos and probably belonged to the same family as
Odaenathus. According to Brown, it is plausible, based on the
occurrence of the name Nasor in both Dura-Europos and Palmyra (where
it was a rare name), that Odaenathus and Hairan son of Maliko belonged
to the same family.
No definite images of Odaenathus have been discovered, hence, there is
no information about his appearance; all sculptures identified as
Odaenathus lack any inscriptions to confirm whom they represent. Two
sculpted heads from Palmyra, one preserved in the Ny Carlsberg
Glyptotek museum and the other in the Archaeological Museum in
Istanbul, were identified by the archaeologist as representing
Odaenathus based on their monumentality and regal style. The academic
consensus does not support Ingholt's view, and the heads he ascribed
to the king can be dated to the end of the second century. More
likely, two marble heads, one depicting a man wearing a royal tiara,
the crown of Palmyra, and the other depicting a man in a royal
Hellenistic diadem, are depictions of the king. In addition, a
Palmyrene clay tessera, depicting a bearded man wearing a diadem,
could be a portrait of the king.
Odaenathus I
==============
Traditional scholarship, based on the sepulchral inscription from
Odaenathus' tomb, believed the builder to be an ancestor of the king
and he was given the designation "Odaenathus I". The name of King
Odaenathus' father is Hairan as attested in many inscriptions. In an
inscription dated to 251, the name of the 'ras' ("lord") of Palmyra,
Hairan, son of Odaenathus, is written, and he was thought to be the
son of Odaenathus I. Prior to the 1980s, the earliest known
inscription attesting King Odaenathus was dated to 257, leading
traditional scholarship to believe that Hairan, 'ras' of Palmyra, was
the father of the king and that Odaenathus I was his grandfather.
However, an inscription published in 1985 by the archaeologist Michael
Gawlikowski and dated to 252 mentions King Odaenathus as a 'ras' and
records the same genealogy found in the sepulchral inscription,
confirming the name of King Odaenathus' grandfather as Wahb Allat;
thus, he cannot be a son of Hairan son of Odaenathus (I). Therefore,
it is certain that King Odaenathus was the builder of the tomb, ruling
out the existence of "Odaenathus I". The 'ras' Hairan mentioned in the
251 inscription is identical with Odaenathus' elder son and co-ruler,
Prince Hairan I.
Rise
======================================================================
Palmyra was an autonomous city within the Roman Empire, subordinate to
Rome and part of the province of Syria Phoenice. Odaenathus descended
from an aristocratic family, albeit not a royal one as the city was
ruled by a council and had no tradition of hereditary monarchy. For
most of its existence, the Palmyrene army was decentralized under the
command of several generals, but the rise of the Sassanian Empire in
224, and its incursions, which affected Palmyrene trade, combined with
the weakness of the Roman Empire, probably prompted the Palmyrene
council to elect a lord for the city in order for him to lead a
strengthened army:
''Ras'' of Palmyra
====================
The Roman emperor, Gordian III, died in 244 during a campaign against
Persia and this might have been the event which led to the election of
a lord for Palmyra to defend it:Odaenathus, whose elevation, according
to the historian Udo Hartmann, can be explained by Odaenathus probably
being a successful military or caravan commander, and his descent from
one of the most influential families in the city. Odaenathus' title as
lord was 'ras' in Palmyrene and exarchos in Greek as revealed by
bilingual inscriptions from Palmyra. The 'ras' title enabled the
bearer to effectively deal with the Sassanid threat, in that it
probably vested in him supreme civil and military authority; an
undated inscription refers to Odaenathus as a 'ras' and records the
gift of a throne to him by a Palmyrene citizen named "Ogeilu son of
Maqqai Haddudan Hadda", which confirms the supreme character of
Odaenathus' title. The office was created for Odaenathus, and was not
a usual title in the Roman Empire, and not a part of Palmyrene
government traditions.
Hairan I was apparently elevated to co-lordship by his father, as an
inscription from 251 testifies. As early as the 240s, Odaenathus
bolstered the Palmyrene army, recruiting desert nomads and increasing
the number of the Palmyrene heavy cavalry (clibanarii). In 252, the
Persian emperor, Shapur I, started a full-scale invasion of the Roman
provinces in the east. During the second campaign of the invasion,
Shapur I conquered Antioch on the Orontes, the traditional capital of
Syria, and headed south, where his advance was checked in 253 by a
noble from Emesa, Uranius Antoninus. The events of 253 were mentioned
in the works of the sixth-century historian John Malalas who also
mentioned a leader by the name "Enathus" inflicting a defeat upon the
retreating Shapur I near the Euphrates. "Enathus" is probably
identical with Odaenathus, and while Malalas' account indicates that
Odaenathus defeated the Persians in 253, there is no proof that the
Palmyrene leader engaged Shapur I before 260 and Malalas' account
seems to be confusing Odaenathus' future actions during 260 with the
events of 253.
Shapur I destroyed the Palmyrene trade colonies along the Euphrates,
including the colonies at Anah in 253 and at Dura-Europos in 256. The
sixth-century historian Peter the Patrician wrote that Odaenathus
approached Shapur I to negotiate Palmyrene interests but was rebuffed
and the gifts sent to the Persians were thrown into the river. The
date for the attempted negotiations is debated: some scholars,
including John F. Drinkwater, set the event in 253; while others, such
as Alaric Watson, set it in 256, following the destruction of
Dura-Europos.
Governor of Syria Phoenice
============================
Several inscriptions dating to the end of 257 or early 258 show
Odaenathus bearing the Greek title (; ). This title was usually
bestowed on Roman senators who held the consulship. The title was also
mentioned in Odaenathus' undated tomb inscription and Hairan I was
mentioned with the same title in the 251 inscription. Scholarly
opinions vary on the exact date of Odaenathus' elevation to this
position. Gawlikowski and the linguist Jean Starcky maintained that
the senatorial rank predates the 'ras' elevation. Hartmann concluded
that Odaenathus first became a 'ras' in the 240s, then a senator in
250. Another possibility is that the senatorial rank and lordship
occurred simultaneously; Odaenathus was chosen as a 'ras' following
Gordian's death, then, after Emperor Philip the Arab concluded a peace
treaty with the Persians, the Emperor ratified Odaenathus' lordship
and admitted him to the senate to guarantee Palmyra's continued
subordination.
The 'clarissimus consularis' title could be a mere honorific or a sign
that Odaenathus was appointed as the legatus of Phoenice. However, the
title () was sometimes used in Syria to denote the provincial governor
and the archaeologist William Waddington proposed that Odaenathus was
indeed the governor of Phoenice. Five of the inscriptions mentioning
Odaenathus as consul are dated to 569 SE (258) during which no
governor for Phoenice is attested, which might indicate that this was
Odaenathus' year of governorship. In Phoenice's capital city Tyre, the
lines "To Septimius Odaenathus, the most illustrious. The Septimian
colony of Tyre" were found inscribed on a marble base; the inscription
is not dated and if it was made after 257 then it indicates that
Odaenathus was appointed as the governor of the province. These
speculations cannot be proven, but as a governor Odaenathus would have
been the highest authority in the province, above legionary commanders
and provincial officials; this would make him commander of the Roman
forces in the province. Whatever the case may be, starting from 258
Odaenathus strengthened his position and extended his political
influence in the region. By 260, Odaenathus held the rank, credibility
and power to pacify the Roman East following the Battle of Edessa.
Reign
======================================================================
Faced with Shapur I's third campaign, the Roman emperor Valerian
marched against the Persian monarch but was defeated near Edessa in
late spring 260 and taken prisoner. The Persian emperor then ravaged
Cappadocia and Cilicia, and claimed to have captured Antioch on the
Orontes. Taking advantage of the situation, Fulvius Macrianus, the
commander of the imperial treasury, declared his sons Quietus and
Macrianus Minor as joint emperors in August 260, in opposition to
Valerian's son Gallienus. Fulvius Macrianus took Antioch on the
Orontes as his center and organized the resistance against Shapur I;
he dispatched Balista, his praetorian prefect, to Anatolia. Shapur I
was defeated in the region of Sebaste at Pompeiopolis, prompting the
Persians to evacuate Cilicia while Balista returned to Antioch on the
Orontes. Balista's victory was only partial: Shapur I withdrew east of
Cilicia, which Persian units continued to occupy. A Persian force took
advantage of Balista's return to Syria and headed further west into
Anatolia. According to the 'Augustan History', Odaenathus was declared
king of Palmyra as soon as the news of the Roman defeat at Edessa
reached the city. It is not known if Odaenathus contacted Fulvius
Macrianus and there is no evidence that he took orders from him.
Persian war of 260 and pacifying Syria
========================================
Odaenathus assembled the Palmyrene army and Syrian peasants, then
marched north to meet the Persian emperor, who was returning to
Persia. The Palmyrene monarch fell upon the retreating Persian army
between Samosata and Zeugma, west of the Euphrates, in late summer
260. He defeated the Persians, expelling Shapur I from the province of
Syria. In early 261, Fulvius Macrianus headed to Europe accompanied by
Macrianus Minor, leaving Quietus and Balista in Emesa. Odaenathus'
whereabouts during this episode are not clear; he could have
distributed the army in garrisons along the frontier or might have
brought it back to his capital. The Palmyrene monarch seems to have
waited until the situation clarified, declaring loyalty to neither
Fulvius Macrianus nor Gallienus. In the spring of 261, Fulvius
Macrianus arrived in the Balkans but was defeated and killed along
with Macrianus Minor; Odaenathus, when it became clear that Gallienus
would eventually win, sided with the Emperor and marched on Emesa,
where Quietus and Balista were staying. The Emesans killed Quietus as
Odaenathus approached the city, while Balista was captured and
executed by the King in autumn 261.
Ruler of the East
===================
The elimination of the usurpers left Odaenathus as the most powerful
leader in the Roman East. He was granted many titles by the Emperor
but those honors are debated among scholars:
* 'Dux Romanorum' (commander of the Romans) was probably given to
Odaenathus to recognize his position as the commander in chief of the
forces in the east against the Persians; it was inherited by
Odaenathus' son and successor Vaballathus.
* 'Corrector totius orientis' (righter of the entire East): it is
generally accepted by modern scholars that he bore this title. A
'corrector' had overall command of Roman armies and authority over
provincial governors in his designated region. There are no known
attestations of the title during Odaenathus' lifetime. Evidence for
the King bearing the title consists of two inscriptions in Palmyrene:
one posthumous dedication describing him as 'MTQNNʿ' of the East
(derived from the Semitic root 'TQN', meaning to set in order); and
the other describing his heir Vaballathus with the same title, albeit
using the word 'PNRTTʿ' instead of 'MTQNNʿ'.
:However, the sort of authority accorded by this position is widely
debated. The problem arises from the word 'MTQNNʿ'; its exact meaning
is unclear. The word is translated into Latin as 'corrector', but
"restitutor" is another possible translation; the latter title was an
honorary one meant to praise the bearer for driving enemies out of
Roman territories. However, the inscription of Vaballathus is clearer,
as the word 'PNRTTʿ' is not a Palmyrene word but a direct Palmyrene
translation of the Greek term 'Epanorthotes', which is usually an
equivalent to a 'corrector'.
:According to the historian David Potter, Vaballathus inherited his
father's exact titles. Hartmann points out that there have been cases
where a Greek word was translated directly to Palmyrene and a
Palmyrene equivalent was also used to mean the same thing. The
dedication to Odaenathus would be the use of a Palmyrene equivalent,
while the inscription of Vaballathus would be the direct translation.
It cannot be certain that Odaenathus was a 'corrector'.
* 'Imperator totius orientis' (commander-in-chief of the entire East):
only the 'Augustan History' claims that Odaenathus was given this
title; the same source also claims that he was made an 'Augustus', or
co-emperor, following his defeat of the Persians. Both claims are
dismissed by scholars. Odaenathus seems to have been acclaimed as
'imperator' by his troops, which was a salutation usually reserved for
the Roman emperor; this acclamation might explain the erroneous
reports of the 'Augustan History'.
Regardless of his titles, Odaenathus controlled the Roman East with
the approval of Gallienus, who could do little but formalize
Odaenathus' self-achieved status and settle for his formal loyalty.
Odaenathus' authority extended from the Pontic coast in the north to
Palestine in the south. This area included the Roman provinces of
Syria, Phoenice, Palaestina, Arabia, Anatolia's eastern regions and,
following the campaign of 262, Osroene and Mesopotamia.
First Persian campaign 262
============================
Perhaps driven by a desire to take revenge for the destruction of
Palmyrene trade centers and to discourage Shapur I from initiating
future attacks, Odaenathus launched an offensive against the Persians.
The suppression of Fulvius Macrianus' rebellion probably prompted
Gallienus to entrust the Palmyrene monarch with the war in Persia and
Roman soldiers were in the ranks of Odaenathus' army for this
campaign. In the spring of 262, the King marched north into the
occupied Roman province of Mesopotamia, driving out the Persian
garrisons and recapturing Edessa and Carrhae. The first onslaught was
aimed at Nisibis, which Odaenathus regained but sacked, since the
inhabitants had been sympathetic towards the Persian occupation. A
little later he destroyed the Jewish city of Nehardea, 45 km west of
the Persian capital Ctesiphon, as he considered the Jews of
Mesopotamia to be loyal to Shapur I. By late 262 or early 263,
Odaenathus stood outside the walls of the Persian capital.
The exact route taken by Odaenathus from Palmyra to Ctesiphon remains
uncertain; it was probably similar to the route Emperor Julian took in
363 during his campaign against Persia. If he did use this route,
Odaenathus would have crossed the Euphrates at Zeugma then moved east
to Edessa followed by Carrhae then Nisibis. Here, he would have
descended south along the Khabur River to the Euphrates valley and
then marched along the river's left bank to Nehardea. He then
penetrated the Sassanian province of Asōristān and marched along the
royal canal Naarmalcha towards the Tigris, where the Persian capital
stood.
Once at Ctesiphon, Odaenathus immediately began a siege of the
well-fortified winter residence of the Persian kings; severe damage
was inflicted upon the surrounding areas during several battles with
Persian troops. The city held out and the logistical problems of
fighting in enemy territory probably prompted the Palmyrenes to lift
the siege. Odaenathus headed north along the Euphrates carrying with
him numerous prisoners and much booty. The invasion resulted in the
full restoration of the Roman lands which had been occupied by Shapur
I since the beginning of his invasions in 252: Osroene and
Mesopotamia. However, Dura-Europus and other Palmyrene posts south of
Circesium, such as Anah, were not rebuilt. Odaenathus sent the
captives to Rome, and by the end of 263 Gallienus assumed the title
'Persicus maximus' ("the great victor in Persia") and held a triumph
in Rome.
King of Kings of the East
===========================
In 263, after his return, Odaenathus assumed the title of King of
Kings of the East ('Mlk Mlk dy Mdnh'), and crowned his son Herodianus
(Hairan I) as co-King of Kings. A statue was erected and dedicated for
Herodianus to celebrate his coronation by Septimius Worod, the
'duumviri' (magistrate) of Palmyra, and Julius Aurelius, the Queen's
'procurator' (treasurer). The dedication, in Greek, is undated, but
Septimius Worod was a 'duumviri' between 263 and 264. Hence, the
coronation took place c. 263. Contemporary evidence for Odaenathus
bearing the title of King of Kings is lacking; all firmly dated
inscriptions attesting Odaenathus with the title were commissioned
after his death, including one that is dated to 271. However,
Herodianus died with his father, and since he is directly attested as
"King of Kings" during his father's lifetime, it is unimaginable that
Odaenathus was simply a king while his son was the King of Kings. An
undated inscription, written in Greek and difficult to decipher, found
on a stone reused in the Palmyrene Camp of Diocletian, addresses
Odaenathus as King of Kings ('Rex regum') and was probably set during
his reign.
According to the dedication, Herodianus was crowned near the Orontes,
which indicates a ceremony taking place in Antioch on the Orontes, the
metropolis of Syria. The title was a symbol of legitimacy in the East,
dating back to the Assyrians, then the Achaemenids, who used it to
symbolize their supremacy over all other rulers; it was later adopted
by the Parthian monarchs to legitimize their conquests. The first
Sassanian monarch, Ardashir I, adopted the title following his victory
over the Parthians. Odaenathus' son was crowned with a diadem and a
tiara; the choice of Antioch on the Orontes was probably meant to
demonstrate that the Palmyrene monarchs were now the successors of the
Seleucid and Iranian rulers who had controlled Syria and Mesopotamia
in the past.
Relation with Rome
====================
In analyzing the rise of Odaenathus and his complicated relationship
with Rome, the historian Gary K. Young concluded that "to search for
any kind of regularity or normality in such a situation is clearly
pointless". In practice, Palmyra became an allied kingdom of Rome, but
legally, it remained part of the empire. The "King of Kings" title was
probably not aimed at the position of the Roman emperor but at Shapur
I; Odaenathus was declaring that he, not the Persian monarch, was the
legitimate King of Kings of the East. Odaenathus' intentions are
questioned by some historians, such as Drinkwater, who attributed the
attempted negotiations with Shapur I to Odaenathus' quest for power.
However, in contrast to the norm of this period when powerful generals
frequently proclaimed themselves emperors, Odaenathus chose not to
attempt to usurp Gallienus' throne.
The relationship between Odaenathus and the Emperor should be
understood from two different perspectives: Roman and Syrian. In Rome,
broad power delegation by the Emperor to an individual from outside
the imperial family was not considered a problem; such authority had
been granted several times since the days of Augustus in the first
century. The Syrian perspective was different: according to Potter,
the dedication celebrating Herodianus' coronation on the Orontes
should be interpreted to mean a "Palmyrene claim to kingship in Syria"
and control over it during the reign of Odaenathus. What the central
government thought of such claims is unclear, but it is doubtful that
Gallienus recognized the situation as the Palmyrenes understood it. In
the Roman Empire's hierarchical system, a vassal king using the title
of King of Kings did not indicate that he was a peer of the Emperor or
that the ties of vassalage were cut. Such different understandings
eventually led to the conflict between Rome and Palmyra during the
reign of Zenobia, who considered her husband's Roman offices
hereditary and an expression of independent authority.
The King had effective control over the Roman East where his military
authority was absolute. Odaenathus respected Gallienus' authority to
appoint provincial governors, but dealt swiftly with opposition: the ,
usually associated with the sixth-century historian Eustathius of
Epiphania or Peter the Patrician, mentions the story of Kyrinus, or
Quirinus, a Roman official, who showed dissatisfaction with
Odaenathus' authority over the Persian frontier, and was immediately
executed by the King. In general, Odaenathus' actions were connected
to his and Palmyra's interests only. His support of Gallienus and his
Roman titles did not hide the Palmyrene base of his power and the
local origin of his armies, as with his decision not to wait for the
Emperor to help in 260. Odaenathus' status seems to have been, as
Watson puts it, "something between powerful subject, independent
vassal king and rival emperor".
Administration and royal image
================================
Odaenathus behaved as a sovereign monarch; outside his kingdom of
Palmyra, he had overall administrative and military authority over the
provincial governors of the Roman eastern provinces. Inside Palmyra,
no Roman provincial official had any authority; the King filled the
government with Palmyrenes. In parallel to the Iranian practice of
making the government a family enterprise, Odaenathus bestowed his own
'gentilicium' (Septimius) upon his leading generals and officials such
as Zabdas, Zabbai and Worod. Most Palmyrene constitutional
institutions continued to function normally during Odaenathus' reign;
he maintained many civic establishments, but the last magistrates were
elected in 264, and the Palmyrene council was not attested after that
year. After this year, a governor, Septimius Worod, was appointed by
the King for the city of Palmyra, who also functioned as a viceroy
when Odaenathus was on campaign.
A lead token depicting Herodianus shows him wearing a tiara crown
shaped like that of the Parthian monarchs, so it must have been
Odaenathus' crown; this combination of imagery, together with the
"King of Kings" title, indicates that Odaenathus considered himself
the rival of the Sassanians and the protector of the region against
them. Many intellectuals relocated to Palmyra and enjoyed the King's
patronage; most prominently Cassius Longinus, who probably arrived in
the 260s. It is possible that Odaenathus influenced local writers to
promote his rule; a prophecy in the thirteenth 'Sibylline Oracle',
written after the events it "prophesied", reads: "Then shall come one
who was sent by the sun [i.e., Odaenathus], a mighty and fearful lion,
breathing much flame. Then he with much shameless daring will destroy
.... the greatest beast - venomous, fearful and emitting a great deal
of hisses [i.e., Shapur I]". The authority of Odaenathus did not
appease all factions in Syria and the glorification of the King in the
oracle could be a politically sponsored propaganda aimed at expanding
Odaenathus' support. Another writer in the Palmyrene court,
Nicostratus of Trebizond, probably accompanied the King on his
campaigns and wrote a history of the period, starting with Philip the
Arab and ending shortly before Odaenathus' death. According to Potter,
Nicostratus' account was meant to glorify Odaenathus and demonstrate
his superiority over the Roman Emperor.
Coinage
=========
Odaenathus minted coinage only in the name of Gallienus, and produced
no coins bearing his own image. The engraver Hubertus Goltzius forged
coins of Odaenathus in the sixteenth century; according to the
eighteenth-century numismatist Joseph Hilarius Eckhel "The coins of
Odenathus are known only to Goltzius; and if anyone will put faith in
their existence, let him go to the fountain head (i.e. Goltzius)".
According to the 'Augustan History', Gallienus minted a coin in honour
of Odaenathus where he was depicted taking the Persians captive; a
coin of Gallienus minted in Antioch and dated to c. 264-265 depicts
two seated captives on its reverse and was associated with the
victories of Odaenathus by the historian Michael Geiger. Other coins
of Gallienus depict lions on their reverses; the animal was portrayed
in several fashions: bare headed with a bull's head between its paws;
radiate head; radiate head with a bull's head between its paws; or an
eagle standing on its back. The historian Erika Manders considered it
possible that those coins were issued for Odaenathus, as the depiction
of a lion is reminiscent of the thirteenth 'Sibylline Oracles
description of Odaenathus as a "mighty and fearful lion, breathing
much flame".
Second Persian campaign 266 and war in Anatolia
=================================================
The primary sources are silent regarding events following the first
Persian campaign, but this is an indication of the peace that
prevailed and that the Persians had ceased being a threat to the Roman
East. The evidence for the second campaign is meager; Zosimus is the
only one to mention it specifically. A passage in the thirteenth
'Sibylline Oracle' is interpreted by Hartmann as an indication of a
second offensive. With the rise of the Sassanid dynasty, Palmyrene
trade caravans to the East diminished with only three recorded after
224. The last caravan returned to Palmyra in 266, and this was
probably facilitated by the campaign, which probably took place in
266. The King marched directly to Ctesiphon, but he had to break off
the siege and march north to face an influx of Germanic raiders
attacking Anatolia.
The Romans used the designation "Scythian" to denote many tribes,
regardless of their ethnic origin, and sometimes the term would be
interchangeable with Goths. The tribes attacking Anatolia were
probably the Heruli who built ships to cross the Black Sea in 267 and
ravaged the coasts of Bithynia and Pontus, besieging Heraclea Pontica.
According to the eighth-century historian George Syncellus, Odaenathus
arrived at Anatolia with Herodianus and headed to Heraclea but the
riders were already gone, having loaded their ships with booty. Many
perished, perhaps in a sea battle with Odaenathus' forces, or possibly
they were shipwrecked.
Assassination
======================================================================
Odaenathus was assassinated, together with Herodianus, in late 267.
The date is debated and some scholars propose 266 or 268, but
Vaballathus dated the first year of his reign between August 267 and
August 268, making late 267 the most probable date. The assassination
took place in either Anatolia or Syria. There is no consensus on the
manner, perpetrator or the motive behind the act.
* According to Syncellus, Odaenathus was assassinated near Heraclea
Pontica by an assassin also named Odaenathus who was killed by the
King's bodyguard.
* Zosimus states that Odaenathus was killed by conspirators near Emesa
at a friend's birthday party without naming the killer. The
twelfth-century historian Zonaras attributed the crime to a nephew of
Odaenathus but did not give a name. The Anonymus post Dionem also does
not name the assassin.
* The 'Augustan History' claims that a cousin of the King named
Maeonius killed him.
Theories of instigators and motives
=====================================
* Roman conspiracy: the seventh-century historian John of Antioch
accused Gallienus of being behind the assassination. A passage in the
work of the Anonymus post Dionem speaks of a certain "Rufinus" who
orchestrated the assassination on his own initiative, then explained
his actions to the Emperor who condoned them. This account has Rufinus
ordering the murder of an older Odaenathus out of fear that he would
rebel, and has the younger Odaenathus complaining to the Emperor.
Since the older Odaenathus (Odaenathus I) has proven to be a fictional
character, the story is ignored by most scholars. However, the younger
Odaenathus could be an oblique reference to Vaballathus and Rufinus
could be identified with Cocceius Rufinus, the Roman governor of
Arabia in 261-262. The evidence for such a Roman conspiracy is weak.
* Family feud: according to Zonaras, Odaenathus' nephew misbehaved
during a lion hunt. He made the first attack and killed the animal to
the dismay of the King. Odaenathus warned his nephew, who ignored the
warning and repeated the act twice more, causing the King to deprive
him of his horse, a great insult in the East. The nephew threatened
Odaenathus and was put in chains as a result. Herodianus asked his
father to forgive his cousin and his request was granted. However, as
the King was drinking, the nephew approached him with a sword and
killed him along with Herodianus. The bodyguard immediately executed
the nephew.
* Zenobia: the wife of Odaenathus was accused by the 'Augustan
History' of having formerly conspired with Maeonius, as Herodianus was
her stepson and she could not accept that he was the heir to her
husband instead of her own children. However, there is no suggestion
in the 'Augustan History' that Zenobia was directly involved in her
husband's murder; the act is attributed to Maeonius' degeneracy and
jealousy. Those accounts by the 'Augustan History' can be dismissed as
fiction. The hints in modern scholarship that Zenobia had a hand in
the assassination out of her desire to rule the empire and her dismay
at her husband's pro-Roman policy can be dismissed as there was no
reversal of that policy during the first years following Odaenathus'
death.
* Persian agents: the possibility of a Persian involvement exists, but
the outcome of the assassination would not have served Shapur I unless
a pro-Persian monarch was established on the Palmyrene throne.
* Palmyrene traitors: another possibility would be Palmyrenes
dissatisfied with Odaenathus' reign and the changes of their city's
governmental system.
The historian Nathanael Andrade, noting that since the 'Augustan
History', Zosimus, Zonaras, and Syncellus all refer to a family feud
or a domestic conspiracy in their writings, they must have been
recounting an early tradition regarding the assassination. Also, the
story of Rufinus is a clue to tensions between Odaenathus and the
Roman court. The mint of Antioch on the Orontes ceased the production
of Gallienus' coins in early 268, and while this could be related to
fiscal troubles, it could also have been ordered by Zenobia in
retaliation for the murder of her husband. Andrade proposed that the
assassination was the result of a coup conducted by Palmyrene notables
in collaboration with the imperial court whose officials were
dissatisfied with Odaenathus' autonomy. On the other hand, Hartmann
concluded that it is more probable that Odaenathus was killed in
Pontus.
Marriages and descendants
======================================================================
Odaenathus was married twice. Nothing is known about his first wife's
name or fate. Zenobia was the King's second wife, whom he married in
the late 250s when she was 17 or 18.
How many children Odaenathus had with his first wife is unknown and
only one is attested:
* Hairan IHerodianus: the name Hairan appears on a 251 inscription
from Palmyra describing him as 'ras', implying that he was already an
adult by then. In the 'Augustan History', Odaenathus' eldest son is
named Herod; the dedication at Palmyra from 263 which celebrates
Hairan I's coronation mentions him with the name Herodianus. It is
possible that the Hairan of the 251 inscription is not the same as the
Herodianus of the dedication from 263, but this is contested by
Hartmann, who concludes that the reason for the difference in the
spelling is the language used in the inscription (Herodianus being the
Greek version), meaning that Odaenathus' eldest son and co-king was
Hairan Herodianus. Hartmann's view is in line with the academic
consensus.
The children of Odaenathus and Zenobia were:
* Vaballathus: he is attested on several coins, inscriptions, and in
the ancient literature.
* Hairan II: his image appears on a seal impression along with his
older brother Vaballathus; his identity is much debated. Potter
suggested that he is the same as Herodianus, who was crowned in 263,
and that the Hairan I mentioned in 251 died before the birth of Hairan
II. Andrade suggested the opposite, maintaining that Hairan I,
Herodianus and Hairan II are the same.
* Herennianus and Timolaus: the two were mentioned in the 'Augustan
History' and are not attested in any other source; Herennianus might
be a conflation of Hairan and Herodianus while Timolaus is most
probably a fabrication, although the historian Dietmar Kienast
suggests that he might be Vaballathus.
Possible descendants of Odaenathus living in later centuries are
reported: Lucia Septimia Patabiniana Balbilla Tyria Nepotilla
Odaenathiana is known through a dedication dating to the late third or
early fourth century inscribed on a tombstone erected by a wet nurse
to her "sweetest and most loving mistress". The tombstone was found in
Rome at the San Callisto in Trastevere. Another possible relative is
Eusebius who is mentioned by the fourth century rhetorician Libanius
in 391 as a son of one Odaenathus, who was in turn a descendant of the
King; the father of Eusebius is mentioned as fighting against the
Persians (most probably in the ranks of Emperor Julian's army). In
393, Libanius mentioned that Eusebius promised him a speech written by
Longinus for the King. In the fifth century, the philosopher "Syrian
Odaenathus" lived in Athens and was a student of Plutarch of Athens;
he might have been a distant descendant of the King.
Burial and succession
======================================================================
Mummification was practiced in Palmyra alongside inhumation and it is
a possibility that Zenobia had her husband mummified. The stone block
bearing Odaenathus' sepulchral inscription was in the Temple of Bel in
the nineteenth century, and it was originally the architrave of the
tomb. It had been moved to the temple at some point and so the
location of the tomb to which the block belonged is not known. The
tomb was probably built early in Odaenathus' career and before his
marriage to Zenobia and it is plausible that another, more elaborate,
tomb was built after Odaenathus became King of Kings.
Roman law forbade the burial of individuals within a city. This rule
was strictly observed in the west, but it was applied more leniently
in the eastern parts of the empire. A burial within a city was one of
the highest honors an individual other than the Emperor and his family
could receive in the Roman Empire. A notable person may be buried in
this manner for different reasons, such as his leadership or monetary
donations. It meant that the deceased was not sent beyond the walls
for fear of 'miasma' (pollution), and that he would be part of the
city's future civic life. At the western end of the Great Colonnade at
Palmyra, a shrine designated "Funerary Temple no. 86" (also known as
the House Tomb) is located. Inside its chamber, steps lead down to a
vault crypt which is now lost. This mausoleum might have belonged to
the royal family, being the only tomb inside the city's walls.
Odaenathus' royal power in itself was sufficient to earn him a burial
within the city walls.
The 'Augustan History' claims that Maeonius was proclaimed emperor for
a brief period before being killed by soldiers. However, no
inscriptions or other evidence exist for Maeonius' reign, the very
existence of which is doubtful. The disappearance of Septimius Worod
in 267 could be related to the internal coup; he could have been
executed by Zenobia if he was involved; or killed by the conspirators
if he was loyal to the King. Odaenathus was succeeded by his son, the
ten-year-old Vaballathus, under the regency of Zenobia; Hairan II
probably died soon after his father, as only Vaballathus succeeded to
the throne.
Legacy and reception
======================================================================
Odaenathus was the founder of the Palmyrene royal dynasty. He left
Palmyra the premier power in the East, and his actions laid the
foundation of Palmyrene strength which culminated in the establishment
of the Palmyrene Empire in 270. Hero cults were not common in Palmyra,
but the unprecedented position and achievements of Odaenathus might
have given rise to such a practice: a mosaic excavated in Palmyra
depicts the Greek myth of Bellerophon defeating the Chimera on the
back of Pegasus in one panel, and a man in Palmyrene military outfit
riding a horse and shooting at two tigers, with an eagle flying above
in the other. According to Gianluca Serra, the conservation zoologist
based in Palmyra at the time of the panel's discovery, the tigers are
'Panthera tigris virgata', once common in the region of Hyrcania in
Iran. Gawlikowski proposed that Odaenathus is heroized as Bellerophon,
and that the archer is also a depiction of Odaenathus fighting the
Persians depicted as tigers. This is supported by the title of 'mrn'
(lord) which appear on the archer panel, an honor carried only by
Odaenathus and Hairan I. The mosaic with its two panels indicates that
Odaenathus was probably treated as a divine figure, and may have been
worshipped in Palmyra.
Odaenathus' memory as an able king, and loyal Roman, was used by the
emperors Claudius II and Aurelian to tarnish Zenobia's reputation by
portraying themselves as Odaenathus' avengers against his wife, the
usurper who gained the throne through plotting. The King was praised
by Libanius, and the fourth-century writer of the 'Augustan History',
while placing Odaenathus among the Thirty Tyrants (probably because he
assumed the title of king, in the view of the eighteenth-century
historian Edward Gibbon), speaks highly of his role in the Persian War
and credits him with saving the empire: "Had not Odaenathus, prince of
the Palmyrenes, seized the imperial power after the capture of
Valerian when the strength of the Roman state was exhausted, all would
have been lost in the East". On the other hand, Odaenathus is viewed
negatively in Rabbinic sources. His sack of Nehardea mortified the
Jews, and he was cursed by both the Babylonian Jews and the Jews of
Palestine. In the Christian version of the Apocalypse of Elijah,
probably written in Egypt following the capture of Valerian,
Odaenathus is called the king who will rise from the "city of the sun"
and will eventually be killed by the Persians; this prophecy is a
response to Odaenathus' persecution of the Jews and his destruction of
Nahardea. The Jewish Apocalypse of Elijah identifies Odaenathus as the
Antichrist.
Modern scepticism
===================
The successes of Odaenathus are treated sceptically by a number of
modern scholars. According to the 'Augustan History', Odaenathus
"captured the king's treasures and he captured, too, what the Parthian
monarchs hold dearer than treasures, namely his concubines. For this
reason Shapur [I] was now in greater dread of the Roman generals, and
out of fear of Ballista and Odaenathus he withdrew more speedily to
his kingdom." Sceptical scholars, such as Martin Sprengling,
considered such accounts of ancient Roman historians "poor, scanty and
confused". However, the coronation dedication of Herodianus' statue,
which stood on the Monumental Arch of Palmyra, records his defeat of
the Persians, for which he was crowned, thus providing Palmyrene
evidence that explicitly mentions the war against Persia; the victory
attested is probably related to the first Persian campaign and not the
battle of 260.
The historian Andreas Alföldi concluded that Odaenathus started his
wars with Persia by attacking the retreating Persian army at Edessa in
260. Such an attack is rejected by sceptical scholars; Sprengling
noted that no evidence exists for such an engagement. The Iranologist
Walter Bruno Henning considered the accounts of Odaenathus' attack in
260 greatly exaggerated. Shapur I mentions that he made the Roman
prisoners build him the Band-e Kaisar near Susiana, and built a city
for those prisoners, which evolved into the current Gundeshapur;
Henning cited those arguments as evidence for Shapur I's success in
bringing his army and prisoners back home and Roman exaggeration
regarding Odaenathus' successes. Sprengling suggested that Shapur I
did not have enough troops to garrison the Roman cities he occupied,
and he was old and focused on religion and building; hence, Odaenathus
merely retook abandoned cities and marched on Ctesiphon to heal Rome's
pride, while being careful not to disturb the Persians and their
emperor. Other scholars, such as Jacob Neusner, noted that while the
accounts of the 260 engagement might be an exaggeration, Odaenathus
did become a real threat to Persia when he regained the cities
formerly taken by Shapur I and besieged Ctesiphon. The historian Louis
Feldman rejected Henning's proposals; and the historian Trevor Bryce
concluded that whatever the nature of Odaenathus' campaigns, they led
to the restoration of all Roman territories occupied by Shapur IRome
was free of Persian threats for several years after Odaenathus' wars.
External links
======================================================================
*
[http://www.syriaphotoguide.com/home/palmyra-funerary-temple-%D8%AA%D8%AF%D9%85%D8%B1-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%B9%D8%A8%D8%AF-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AC%D9%86%D8%A7%D8%A6%D8%B2%D9%8A/
Panoramic pictures of Odaenathus' possible mausoleum (The Funerary
Temple nr. 86)]
* [http://www.britannica.com/biography/Septimius-Odaenathus
Odaenathus' passage in Encyclopædia Britannica]
|-
|-
|-
License
=========
All content on Gopherpedia comes from Wikipedia, and is licensed under CC-BY-SA
License URL: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/
Original Article: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Odaenathus